The Early Church and Peter's Primacy

Letter, from Pope Simplicius to Acacius

Synopsis: Simplicius responds to Acacius’s detailed report on the violence done to the Churches during Basiliscus’s tyranny, implores imperial aid against the heretics, demands the irrevocable exile of Timothy Aelurus and his followers along with those who invaded the sees of Ephesus and Antioch, pronounces anathema on a certain John of Constantinople who usurped Antioch, and declares that nothing may be reconsidered against the definitions of the Council of Chalcedon.

To the most beloved brother Acacius — Simplicius.

Simplicius Responds to Acacius’s Report on the Violence Done to the Churches and Implores Imperial Aid

In the letters of Your Charity, which you sent through Our son Epiphanius, a deacon of proven faith, you have reported more fully what the most religious men, Our sons the presbyters and archimandrites together with the monks, had briefly written before — relating at length, in a volume indeed extensive but of necessary discourse, what was done by heretics at Constantinople or in other regions. You have placed before Our eyes each thing committed against ecclesiastical rules and against the Catholic faith itself, wherever they occurred — so that it might be seen by what remedy the Churches might be aided: those on which violence was inflicted under the opportunity of tyrannical domination and through the absence of the most Christian prince, by the pernicious thief and recidivist invader of the Alexandrian Church, who escaped from exile.

Therefore, after God — who has wondrously visited the Church and the commonwealth with consolation — even if you had not requested it, We deemed it necessary to implore the aid of the most clement emperor: that for all the blessings the Lord has granted his reign, the Churches of God may no longer be violated by the contagion and depravity of heretics in the lands he knows to be subject to his empire, but by the command of his piety may be kept immune from diabolical doctrine. Let those who believe that the priestly ministry has been conferred upon them by the presumption of a condemned man be ordered, by a promulgated imperial constitution, to be excluded and segregated even from the assembly of men — so that with these removed and condemned to perpetual relegation in solitude, Catholic bishops may be restored to the deceived Churches, or [new ones] appointed.

In this matter, neither Our prayers to the most religious prince, nor the suggestions of Your Charity, nor the entreaties of so many of Our brothers — the priests whom We find have arrived at Constantinople — nor the supplications of the monks, can fail to labor. For whatever pertains to the integrity of the Catholic faith, in which the security of the Churches is established, the emperor has restored upon his pious return — with the Lord accompanying him everywhere — anticipating the desires of all. And in the most Christian mind, the grace of obtaining favor is easily found where the cause is religion.

Simplicius Demands the Irrevocable Exile of Timothy and His Followers, and Pronounces Anathema on Those Who Usurped the Eastern Sees

Therefore, as with Our letters, so too with the suggestions of Your Charity and of all the brothers who have presented themselves before the most Christian prince with the proofs of their faith, it must be repeatedly urged that Timothy, with his followers, be sent to an irrevocable exile. Together with him, Paul — expelled from the Church of Ephesus — and Peter, driven from the city of Antioch, and all who consider themselves bishops ordained by him or by those he unlawfully appointed, must be struck by the same law.

Concerning Anthony, who, as a leader among those tyrants sent against the Church, appeared as both enemy and defender, as it is written (cf. Ps. 7:5). Concerning a certain John of Constantinople, who, by accepting the priesthood of Apamea from heretics — a position which he, being a presbyter from elsewhere, could not lawfully have received even from Catholics — declared himself a heretic, and turned the reproach of his wrongful act back upon its author: having expelled Peter the usurper from Antioch, he himself has usurped that Church. We remove him from the fellowship of Christians under anathema, even by his very title; nor shall any place for satisfaction ever be opened to him. For just as Judas among the apostles, so these have lurked among God’s ministers with the deceitful fraud of a diabolical spirit.

Simplicius Declares That Nothing May Be Reconsidered Against the Definitions of Chalcedon

Rejoicing in the faith and devotion of the Christian people, We continually seek its progress and multiplication through supplications to God — that, persevering in the fear and love of the Lord, it may grow in number and merit protection by heavenly defense. In this We especially glory and give thanks to our God, for it pleases Him to see the pastoral fruit and the increase of the religious flock.

It is not fitting, however, for Our brothers and fellow bishops to linger long at Constantinople — especially now, when on account of the disturbance of the persecution that had arisen, the cities in the aforementioned Churches are anxious and troubled. Let no one of doubtful reason or trembling mind expect anything new to be reconsidered against the definitions of the Council of Chalcedon; for what was established by the universal assembly of priests is held with inviolable observance throughout the world, as it has been confirmed by the repeated assertion of heavenly vengeance. Therefore, whoever does not follow the venerable definitions of that council, after so many examples of divine indignation, fights against the divine judgment itself.

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Notes / Historical Commentary

This letter, first published by Lucas Holstenius from a Roman collection and placed by Labbeus at the end of the Simplicius corpus, presents a significant dating question. The letter carries no date or consular formula. Antonius Pagi argued convincingly that Labbeus’s placement is incorrect: since Simplicius refers to Timothy Aelurus as still alive and requests his irrevocable exile, the letter must belong to the period before Aelurus’s death on July 31, 477. Pagi placed it chronologically after Letter VIII to Zeno (October 7–8, 477) and before Acacius’s letter to Simplicius reporting Aelurus’s death — that is, to late 477 or early 478. If Pagi is correct, this is not a letter from the final months of Simplicius’s pontificate but from the period of active cooperation between Rome and Constantinople, when Acacius was still functioning as Rome’s reliable intermediary and the relationship had not yet begun to break down.

The letter’s occasion is a detailed report from Acacius — sent through the deacon Epiphanius — on the violence done to the Eastern churches during Basiliscus’s usurpation. Simplicius responds with a comprehensive program: imperial aid must be implored, heretical bishops must be expelled by promulgated imperial constitution, Catholic bishops must be restored or appointed, and the exile must be irrevocable and perpetual. The scope of the demand is broader than any previous letter: Simplicius names not only Timothy Aelurus and his followers but Paul of Ephesus, Peter of Antioch, Anthony (a paradoxical figure described as both “enemy and defender”), and a certain John of Constantinople who usurped the see of Antioch after accepting a heretical ordination at Apamea. The letter addresses the entire Eastern situation at once, not merely the Alexandrian crisis that dominates the numbered letters.

The anathema pronounced on John is the harshest penalty in the Simplicius corpus. Where the Fragment and Letter XVII had articulated the principle that a returning heretic must pass through satisfactio before any question of promotion, this letter denies John even the possibility of satisfactio: “nor shall any place for satisfaction ever be opened to him.” The comparison to Judas — the betrayer who lurked among the apostles — frames the offense as irreversible. The reader should note that this permanent exclusion is applied not to a heresiarch like Eutyches or Dioscorus but to a man who accepted a heretical ordination and then used it to usurp a Catholic see. The principle is that certain acts of betrayal place the offender beyond the reach of canonical reconciliation.

The closing declaration on Chalcedon’s irreformability is one of the strongest in the corpus. What the universal assembly of priests established is held with “inviolable observance throughout the world” and has been “confirmed by the repeated assertion of heavenly vengeance.” The political theology is explicit: the falls of Basiliscus, the deaths of heretical leaders, and the restorations of Catholic bishops are read as divine confirmations of Chalcedon’s authority. Whoever does not follow Chalcedon’s definitions “fights against the divine judgment itself.” This is the same principle Simplicius had stated in Letter VII — whoever desires Chalcedon to be reopened declares himself not numbered among the faithful — now expressed in its most absolute form: resistance to Chalcedon is resistance to God.

The reader should note the instruction that “Our brothers and fellow bishops” should not linger long at Constantinople. This is a practical directive — the Eastern bishops are needed in their own troubled cities — but it also carries an ecclesiological implication. Constantinople is not the place where Eastern ecclesiastical business is permanently conducted; the bishops belong in their own sees, and the concentration of episcopal business at the imperial capital is a temporary necessity, not a structural feature of church governance. The concern is the same one that underlies Leo’s resistance to Canon 28: if Constantinople becomes the center to which all Eastern bishops gravitate, the Nicene structure of provincial governance is undermined and Constantinople’s jurisdictional reach expands by default.

If Pagi’s early dating is correct, this letter belongs to the high-water mark of Roman–Constantinopolitan cooperation — the same period as Letters VIII through XI. Read in that context, the letter shows a working relationship in which Acacius reports fully to Rome (the detailed volume Epiphanius carried), Simplicius responds with a comprehensive program, and both parties collaborate in pressing the emperor for action. The cooperative framework is intact, the reporting obligation is being fulfilled, and the tone is one of shared purpose rather than frustrated rebuke. The contrast with the later letters — XVI, XVII, XVIII — is striking: by 482, the reporting had stopped, the cooperation had broken down, and Simplicius was reduced to rebuking Acacius for silence and commanding him to act. This undated letter, if it belongs to 477–478 as Pagi argues, preserves the moment when the framework was still working.

The Early Church and Peter's Primacy