The Early Church and Peter's Primacy

Letter CLXIV, from Pope Leo to Emperor Leo

Synopsis: Leo sends his legates Domitianus and Geminianus to petition for the Church’s liberty and insists that what has been rightly defined not be opened to fresh negotiation; he argues that divine mystery cannot be measured by human logic and rhetoric, since for the true faith it is enough to know who teaches; he shows how the Eutychian heresy is hostile to the Gospel and to human salvation; he declares the Alexandrian parricides unworthy of human pardon, though the door of mercy remains open to genuine repentants; he commends his legates, who go to petition rather than to debate, formally anathematizes all who assail Nicaea or Chalcedon by disputation, and calls for the restoration of the Alexandrian Church and the return of the exiled bishops.

Leo, bishop, to Leo, Augustus.

Chapter I: Leo Sends His Legates to Petition for the Church’s Liberty and Insists That the Chalcedonian Definition Not Be Reopened

Rejoicing that it has been made clear by many plain proofs how deeply you care for the welfare of the universal Church, I have complied, as soon as I was able, with the precepts of your piety — sending my brothers and fellow bishops Domitianus and Geminianus to follow up my own urgent appeals before you — to pray on your behalf for the peace of evangelical teaching and the freedom of the faith, in the strength of the Holy Spirit which you have made so brilliantly your own, that the enemies of Christ may be driven away. Those enemies, even if they had wished to hide their fury, could not have done so for long — for the holy simplicity of the Lord’s flock is one thing, but the masquerade of ravening wolves in sheep’s clothing is quite another. Recognize, then, most august and venerable emperor, how great a support divine Providence has prepared for the protection of the whole world, and what you owe to your mother the Church, who rightly glories in you as her son. Let those extinct battles not be allowed to rise again in new forms of agitation — particularly since the condemned have long forfeited any right to do so. This is the fruit that pious labors deserve: that the entire fullness of the Church may rest secure in the solidity of its unity, and nothing be taken back from what has been rightly settled. To wish to fight again after lawful and divinely inspired constitutions have been established is not the spirit of a peaceable man but of a rebel, as the Apostle says: Word-battles are useful for nothing except the subversion of those who hear (2 Tim. 2:14).

Chapter II: The Mysteries of God Cannot Be Measured by Human Argument, but Only by the Light of the Gospel — for Whom Is Taught Is Enough

For whenever human argument is free to dispute without limit, there will never be a shortage of those who dare to resist the truth and trust in the cleverness of their worldly eloquence. How far a Christian must keep from that poisonous vanity is plain from the very instruction of our Lord Jesus Christ himself: for when he was about to call all nations to the light of faith, he did not choose philosophers or orators as its ministers, but humble fishermen — so that the doctrine of heaven, which is itself full of power, would not appear to need the support of human words. Hence the Apostle protests and says: Christ did not send me to baptize but to preach the Gospel — not with wisdom of speech, lest the cross of Christ be emptied of its power. For the word of the cross is foolishness to those who are perishing, but to us who are being saved it is the power of God. It is written: I will destroy the wisdom of the wise, and the cleverness of the clever I will cast aside. Where is the wise man? Where is the scholar? Where is the debater of this age? Has not God made foolish the wisdom of the world? (1 Cor. 1:17–20). Rhetorical arguments and the debating techniques invented by clever men thrive especially when the subject is uncertain and the audience is confused by a welter of competing opinions — drawing people toward whatever the speaker has chosen to assert, so that the more fluently a position is defended, the truer it appears. But the Gospel of Christ has no need of this art: its teaching shines by its own light, and one need not ask what pleases the ear when it is enough to know who teaches.

Chapter III: The Eutychian Heresy, Condemned by a Council of the Whole World, Is Utterly Hostile to the Gospel and to Human Salvation

What most separates those who are deceived by their own inventions from the light of the Gospel is this: they refuse to acknowledge that the truth of the Lord’s Incarnation touches our human, that is to say our own, nature — as though it were unworthy of the glory of God that the majesty of the impassible Word should take on the reality of mortal flesh. Yet the salvation of humanity could not have been repaired in any other way than by the One who is in the form of God also taking the form of a servant. The holy Council of Chalcedon — celebrated with the unanimous consent of all the provinces of the Roman world and wholly united with the decrees of the most sacred Council of Nicaea — has cut away the entire impiety of the Eutychian teaching from the body of Catholic communion. How, then, can any of the fallen find their way back to the peace of the Church without full and proper satisfaction? For what license of debate can be given to those who have deserved condemnation by a just and holy judgment? They should receive most fittingly the sentence of the blessed Apostle John, which struck down the enemies of the cross of Christ at the very birth of the Church: Every spirit that confesses that Jesus Christ has come in the flesh is of God; every spirit that dissolves Jesus from God is not of God — and this is Antichrist (1 John 4:2–3). Since these things have been divinely defined and divine authority is at stake, to admit debate is to erode authority — and no one who tears himself from the fellowship of our unity can rightly call himself a Christian. As the Apostle says: A heretical man, after a first and second correction, avoid — knowing that such a person is perverse and sins, being self-condemned (Tit. 3:10–11).

Chapter IV: The Alexandrian Parricides Are Beyond Human Pardon, but the Door of Mercy Remains Open to Those Who Genuinely Repent

What the impious parricide has committed in seizing the Church and in the savage murder of its bishop cannot be expiated by any human pardon — only by the One who alone can justly punish such things, and who alone can release them through his ineffable mercy. We ourselves desire no vengeance; but we cannot associate with the servants of the devil in any way. If we learn that they have turned from their perversity, repented of their error, and come with the lament of penance to lay down the weapons of discord, then even we can pray for them, that they may not perish forever — following the Lord’s own example, who prayed for his persecutors from the wood of the cross: Father, forgive them, for they do not know what they do (Luke 23:34). That the charity of Christians may do this fruitfully for their enemies, the impious must stop their relentless harassment of the Church of God, and stop daring to throw the souls of simple people into confusion with heretical lies — so that where the most sincere faith has flourished through all previous ages, the evangelical and apostolic teaching may now flourish as well. We ourselves, imitating divine mercy as far as we can, desire not that anyone be condemned by justice, but that all be freed by mercy.

Chapter V: Leo Commends His Legates, Issues a Formal Anathema, and Calls for the Restoration of the Alexandrian Church

I beg your clemency to make good use of the suggestions of these my brothers: whom, as I told you in my previous letter, I have sent not to dispute with the condemned but only to pray before you for the stability of the Catholic Faith alone. Ask especially that your faith and contemplation of the divine majesty lead you to grant this: that the contentions of the heretics be set entirely aside, and that your merciful care be extended to those who have fallen into misfortune — and that, with the liberty of the Alexandrian Church restored to its former state, a bishop be ordained there who upholds the statutes of the Chalcedonian synod, is in harmony with evangelical discipline, and is capable of pacifying the troubled flock. Let also the bishops and clergy whom the impious parricide drove from their churches be recalled by your command; and let all others whom a similar malice drove out of their own homes be likewise restored — so that we may rejoice fully and perfectly in the grace of God and the merit of your faith, free at last from the noise of all disputes. As for any who are so far gone from Christian hope and their own salvation as to presume to assail by any disputation the evangelical and apostolic decree of the most sacred Nicene Council and the holy Council of Chalcedon — these, together with all the heretics who have held impious and detestable views on the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ, we condemn with the same anathema and the same curse: so that those who are corrected with proper satisfaction are not denied the remedy of penance, while those who persist in rebellion remain under the standing sentence of the synod, which is full of truth.

Given on the sixteenth day before the Kalends of September, in the consulship of Leo and Majorian, most august Emperors.

Source/Reference

Notes / Historical Commentary

Letter CLXIV, dated August 17, 458, is the final and longest major letter of Leo’s Alexandrian correspondence — dispatched five months after the March 21 cluster, now accompanying the physical mission of the legates Domitianus and Geminianus whose dispatch Leo had announced in Letter CLXII. The five-month gap reflects a period of waiting for the emperor’s response to the coordinated March campaign; this letter provides the theological and juridical framework within which the legates are to operate.

Chapter II is the most philosophically significant passage in the entire Alexandrian correspondence and one of the most theoretically important in the whole Leo corpus. Leo’s argument runs as follows: human rhetoric thrives precisely in conditions of uncertainty and contested opinion, where fluent defense makes a position appear true. The Gospel has no need of this art because its authority does not rest on the persuasiveness of arguments in its favor. For the true faith, it is enough to know who teaches — ubi veræ fidei sufficit scire quis doceat. The identity of the teacher is the sufficient ground of doctrinal authority; the quality of the debate adds nothing to it and subtracts nothing from it. This is the authority argument at its most theoretical and most concentrated. Applied to the Eutychians’ demand for a new council, the implication is precise: no amount of eloquence on their part can challenge what the Apostolic See has defined and confirmed, because the question of authority is resolved by the identity of the teacher — not by the outcome of a fresh disputation. To debate would be to concede that the question is still open; but the question of who teaches is not open, and it never was.

The opening of Chapter I contains a quietly significant framing of the emperor’s relationship to the Church. Leo addresses the emperor as someone who owes a debt to “your mother the Church, who rightly glories in you as her son.” The filial relationship is not decorative: it defines the emperor’s obligations. The son owes the mother; the mother defines the relationship; and the one who speaks for the mother is Leo. The emperor’s care for the Church is not an expression of imperial magnanimity but the discharge of a debt — a debt whose terms are set not by the emperor but by the Church through her spokesman. This framing is consistent with Chapter III of Letter CLVI, where Leo told the emperor that royal power had been conferred upon him “above all for the defense of the Church.” The filial and the teleological arguments together constitute Leo’s answer to the question of what the emperor owes: everything, because his power was given for this purpose and he is the Church’s son.

Chapter V contains the most formal juridical act in the Alexandrian correspondence: a papal anathema, issued in Leo’s own name and in the first-person plural of sovereign judgment, condemning all who assail Nicaea or Chalcedon by disputation, together with all who hold Eutychian views on the Incarnation. The Commentary to the existing translation correctly identifies this as a juridical act rather than a pastoral warning. The formula — simili anathemate parique exsecratione damnamus — is the language of binding sentence, not theological observation. Leo is not describing what the Church has decided elsewhere; he is issuing the condemnation in this letter, as the act of his office. The anathema is accompanied by a careful distinction: those who accept correction with proper penance are not excluded; the sentence falls only on those who persist in rebellion. This is the same structure visible throughout the Atticus case: correction preferred, but expulsion certain if correction is refused. Even in its most severe juridical mode, Leo’s governance maintains the same form.

The Early Church and Peter's Primacy