The Early Church and Peter's Primacy

Letter IV, from Pope Simplicius to the Emperor Basiliscus

Synopsis: Simplicius writes to the Emperor Basiliscus to protest the return of Timothy Aelurus to the see of Alexandria and his secret dissemination of heresy at Constantinople — denouncing Timothy as a parricide and blasphemer received with acclamations due only to Christ, invoking the examples of the predecessor emperors Marcian and Leo, appealing to the Tome of Leo and the decrees of Chalcedon as established by apostolic hands and received by the universal Church and therefore not to be reopened, asserting that the apostolic norm of doctrine persists in the successors of Peter with the full weight of the promises made to Peter himself, and imploring with the voice of the blessed Apostle Peter — as minister of his see — that Basiliscus restrain the heretics by imperial power and restore Alexandria to a Catholic bishop.

To the Emperor Basiliscus, Simplicius, bishop.

Simplicius Protests the Return of Timothy Aelurus, Invokes the Examples of Marcian and Leo, and Appeals to the Apostolic Norm of Doctrine That Persists in the Successors of Peter

I would indeed desire, so far as it rests on the judgment of My devotion — with which I receive Christian princes with unbroken veneration — to offer to Your Piety the continual services of conversation, as is due. But since to the increase of this intention there is added also the sacred care of religion, a weightier business claims Me: that I may both render honor to you with a willing mind and faithfully make known the causes at stake. For the ever-dedicated affection of Your Clemency draws Me to both, or the regard for My order and the solicitude of the apostolic governance compels Me.

Having therefore fulfilled, most glorious and most clement son, Emperor Augustus, the duty of greeting: concerning the scandals which are said to be stirred up again in the Churches of the East through the renewed brigandage of heretics, I ought not and cannot keep silence. For, as the writings of the monks fervent for the Catholic faith have brought to My notice, I have learned that Timothy the parricide — who long ago, the devastator of the Egyptian Church, was cast out (in the manner of Cain, as the divine reading of Genesis 4 witnesses) from the face of God, that is, excluded from the dignity of the Church, and already wandering through the deserts, about to bear for a long time the torments of his criminal conscience, was carried off into the exile of his own error — has now, with the fires of his former fury rekindled, gathered together the bands of the lost, and has invaded the Church of the city of Alexandria, which he had earlier stained with the blood of the priest, himself now again bloodied by the expulsion of the lawful pontiff: so that, to him on whom that banishment ought to have imposed the goad of repentance from the things he had impiously done, it appears instead to have granted the leisure to nourish a more atrocious madness — by which he is without doubt proved far more detestable than Cain himself. For Cain at least, condemned after committing the deed once, refrained; this man has advanced to greater crimes after his punishment.

Not even content, however, with this limit of his crimes, he is reported to have entered boldly even into the city of Constantinople — always burning with love for right doctrine (lest the ravager of human salvation leave anything inviolate) — and to have heard gladly from his partners in depravity the voice due to Christ alone, by which he has been shown plainly not to come blessed in the name of the Lord but as usurper of divine supremacy, evidently manifested as Antichrist. And when he had been so laudably excluded from Catholic communion, he is recorded to have celebrated — through certain persons’ private houses, with hands spattered with human blood — not divine sacrifices but sacrileges; in which his reception is certainly not confirmed, but the treachery of his accomplices is made public. And they will surely fall together with him from that seat of iniquity, unless they repent — the seat which the faithless one does not cease to build for himself eternally unto ruin, just like the devil his father, who makes himself like the Most High.

These things, venerable Emperor, though My mind shudders that they were even attempted by so great a gladiator, nevertheless with the greatest astonishment (I confess) I am held that they could have been committed in view of Your Piety’s gaze. For who would be ignorant or in doubt about the mind of Your Clemency, always devoted to God and given over to orthodox rules? You indeed, by the arrangement of heavenly providence — as you were formed for the public benefit after the pattern of the virtues of Marcian and Leo of august memory — have likewise been shaped after their thinking toward Catholic truth. Nor should it be in doubt to anyone at all that Your Piety is the follower of the faith of those whose rule you have inherited. Since these things are held certain and fixed by all concerning the mind of Your Tranquility, far be it that in your times the integrity of divine worship and the sincerity of the Catholic faith, strengthened from antiquity, should be thought open to challenge.

Consider, I beseech you, the divine benefits, and weigh what things have been bestowed upon you; and, that these prosperous things may be able to endure, judge that the Author of the gift must be propitiated, not injured. For amid any public occupations, by a religious prince great care must be taken for that which protects his principate — and the rectitude of heavenly observance must be preferred to all things, without which nothing stands rightly. Your Clemency has abundantly at hand (if you order them to be sought in the archives of your palace) copious documents in agreement with the definitions of Our fathers. Nor should it be thought that Your Knowledge is unaware of what has been spread through all the provinces of the East from the citadel of your empire: those things, namely, which My predecessor of blessed memory, Leo, directed, whether to Marcian and likewise to Leo of august memory or to the Council of Chalcedon of blessed memory — in which he expounded the mystery of the Lord’s incarnation so fully and lucidly that not only can no one be called Catholic, but not even a Christian, who does not plainly recognize there also the causes of his own redemption.

Certainly, that the necessary instruction may not be wanting to you easily at hand, I have sent copies of those same letters to Our brother and fellow bishop Acacius, to be offered to your awareness. If then Your Piety deigns to review these — or what the bishops of the whole East wrote back concerning their consent with this preaching — you will see that they have been diligently examined and truthfully promulgated, and therefore ought by no means to be shaken by the windings of pestilent falsehood. For truly, those things which have flowed sincere and clear from the purest fountain of the Scriptures can be disturbed by no clouded arguments of deceit. For in His successors there persists this same apostolic norm of doctrine — [the norm belonging] to him to whom the Lord enjoined the care of the whole flock, to whom He promised that He Himself would in no way fail to the end of the age, to whom He promised that the gates of hell would never prevail, whose sentence — that things bound on earth — He testified cannot be loosed even in heaven (Matt. 16).

Wherefore I pray and beseech Your Clemency — to whom Our brother and fellow bishop Acacius will more earnestly supplicate in My stead — that, becoming imitators of such great and noble predecessors, spurning with a Catholic heart the workers of nefarious presumption, you may judge them to be restrained by royal power. Whoever strives to sow (as the Apostle foretold) anything other than what we have received, let him be anathema (Gal. 1:8). Let no access be opened to your ears to those who would creep in with pernicious minds; let no confidence be granted for reconsidering anything from the ancient decrees. For (as must be repeated often) what has been rightly cut off by apostolic hands — the universal Church likewise assenting — by the edge of the evangelist’s scythe, cannot take on the vigor of rebirth: nor can what stands consigned to eternal fire return as a fruitful branch into the Lord’s vine.

Finally, since the devices of all the heresies, once cast down by ecclesiastical decrees, are never allowed to restart the struggles they have lost: I beseech above all else that the see of the blessed evangelist Mark (I speak of the Church of Alexandria), liberated from the infestation of the most bloody thief, be restored to a Catholic bishop and recover at once its freedom and its peace. And let the impious parricide — who stands guilty of both divine and human laws, returned by the same right by which he had been cast down before — be drawn back from the slaughter of innocent souls; let the poisons of that deadly head depart far from the kingdom of Your Piety. And since, with the ears of salvific preaching closed, they could not receive the healing words, let them, removed from human company by their own ruin, waste away in their virulence in a fitting solitude: all the more do I implore you with the voice of the blessed Apostle Peter, as a minister of his see, however unworthy, that you not allow the enemies of the ancient faith to rage with impunity — you who desire to keep your subjects your own; that you decree all the Churches of the Lord to preserve the peace of true confession — you who desire to hold the whole world of your empire at peace; and that you suffer no part of the one hope of salvation — which leads the human race to the heavenly kingdoms and to eternal life — to be violated, you who desire God to be appeased both for your kingdom and for your salvation.

Given on the fourth day before the Ides of January (A.D. 476), in the consulship of Basiliscus Augustus and Armatus.

Source/Reference

Notes / Historical Commentary

Letter IV is one of the richest letters in the Simplicius corpus for the primacy question, and one of the most historically weighted. It is addressed, despite the majority-manuscript reading “to Zeno,” to the Emperor Basiliscus — who had usurped the Eastern throne in January 475, recalled Timothy Aelurus from exile, supported the Monophysite party, and issued the Encyclical formally condemning Chalcedon. The letter is dated January 10, 476, near the end of Basiliscus’s brief and disastrous reign. That the letter was later retitled to “Zeno” in most manuscripts reflects the damnatio memoriae imposed after Basiliscus’s fall: scribes replaced the usurper’s name with that of the legitimate emperor. Modern scholarship recognizes Basiliscus as the original addressee, and the Codex Virdunensis preserves the true reading. The reader should therefore understand the letter’s rhetorical strategy accordingly: Simplicius is writing to the very emperor responsible for the crisis he protests, and he chooses diplomatic restraint — invoking the predecessor emperors Marcian and Leo as models — rather than blaming Basiliscus directly. The restraint is prudential, not theological: the theology of the letter, once one reaches the central passages, is anything but restrained.

The letter’s rhetorical architecture moves in three stages. First, Simplicius describes the crisis in the East: the return of Timothy Aelurus, the blasphemous acclamations offered to him at Constantinople, the private sacrileges he has celebrated — and the characterization of Timothy himself as parricide, antichrist, and one more detestable than Cain. Second, Simplicius holds up to Basiliscus the examples of the predecessor emperors Marcian and Leo (under whom the Tome and Chalcedon were received), and asks him to imitate what they did. Third, Simplicius grounds his entire appeal in the apostolic norm of doctrine that persists in the successors of Peter — and implores Basiliscus, in Peter’s own voice, to restore Alexandria to a Catholic bishop.

The central passage is the declaration that the apostolic norm of doctrine persists in Peter’s successors. This is one of the strongest assertions of Petrine-succession theology in the fifth-century papal correspondence. Simplicius names the fourfold Petrine commission: the care of the whole flock (John 21:15–17), the Lord’s unfailing presence to the end of the age (Matt. 28:20, applied to Peter’s office), the gates of hell that will never prevail (Matt. 16:18), and the binding-and-loosing authority (Matt. 16:19). He then asserts that this whole commission — not some portion of it, not a partial reflection of it — persists in Peter’s successors. The paraphrase of Matt. 16:19 as “whose sentence, what is bound on earth, He testified cannot be loosed even in heaven” is particularly strong: it gives Peter’s binding judgment a perpetual heavenly warrant. This is the theology of the papacy stated without hedges and deployed as the ground on which an imperial appeal is being made. Simplicius is saying to Basiliscus: the norm to which you are being called is not Mine but the one the Lord gave to Peter and that continues in Peter’s successors.

Equally striking is the self-description at the letter’s closing. Simplicius implores Basiliscus “with the voice of the blessed Apostle Peter, as a minister of his see, however unworthy.” Simplicius is not citing Peter as an authority distinct from himself; he is speaking in Peter’s voice, as Peter’s minister in Peter’s see. The humility-formula qualiscunque — “of whatever sort” — does not qualify the authority of the speaker but locates it: whoever holds this office, whatever his personal merits, speaks with Peter’s voice because he is Peter’s minister in Peter’s see. The claim is the same claim Leo had articulated in Letter VI to Anastasius of Thessalonica (“the most blessed Peter ceases not to preside over his own see”): the Roman bishop speaks in Peter’s voice because Peter himself continues to preside through his successors. Simplicius has compressed the claim to its essential core: Peter speaks through whoever occupies his see.

The continuity argument runs throughout. Simplicius invokes “My predecessor of blessed memory, Leo,” treating Leo’s Tome and its reception at Chalcedon as a standing authority that Basiliscus cannot revisit. He echoes Leo’s language: latrocinia (brigandage, Leo’s own term for Ephesus II), sacramentum dominicae incarnationis (Leo’s standard phrase for what the Tome expounds), and the refusal-to-reconsider principle (nulla retractandi fiducia) that Leo had articulated in his pre-Chalcedon correspondence. He describes the decrees of Chalcedon as cut off by apostolic hands and received with universal ecclesial assent — the dual description pairing Roman authority with the Church’s reception. The reader should note what the pairing does and does not do: it names the authority that defined (the apostolic hands) and the reception that followed (the Church’s assent), and treats the combination as producing practical irreversibility. It does not treat the assent as constitutive of the authority: Simplicius’s self-description as “minister of Peter’s see” speaking “with the voice of the blessed Apostle Peter” locates the source of authority in Peter through the Roman bishop, not in the collective consensus. The Church’s assent is the confirming echo of what Rome has defined, not its validating ground. This is consistent Leonine doctrine, now deployed by Leo’s successor under different historical conditions: the emperor is no longer a Marcian cooperating with Rome but a Basiliscus defying her.

One historical point worth registering. Simplicius’s appeal to the apostolica norma doctrinae that persists in Peter’s successors was written at the moment when the Roman Church’s intervention in Eastern affairs was most desperately needed and least capable of being enforced politically. Basiliscus would not heed this letter. Zeno would return later the same year, but the drift of Constantinople toward theological compromise would continue — and within nine years, the successors Simplicius invokes would be issuing the excommunication of Acacius that opened the Acacian Schism. Letter IV is therefore doctrinally a high-water mark and historically a document of frustration: the Petrine theology it articulates will be tested in the decades that follow, and the schism that eventuates will confirm, against Eastern resistance, the claim Simplicius makes here — that what Peter binds on earth is not loosable even in heaven.

The Early Church and Peter's Primacy