The Early Church and Peter's Primacy

Letter XCVIII, from the Chalcedon Synod to Pope Leo

Synopsis: The holy and universal Synod of Chalcedon addresses Leo as the interpreter of the voice of blessed Peter established for all and as head over the members, recounts Dioscorus’s tyranny, his attempted excommunication of Leo, the council’s action against him, and the definition of the faith sealed through the virgin Euphemia — then discloses that it has confirmed the long-standing custom giving Constantinople the ordination of metropolitans in Asia, Pontus, and Thrace and the canon of the 150 Fathers placing Constantinople second after the Apostolic See (Canon 28 of Chalcedon), and asks Leo to honor their judgment with his decrees.

The holy, great, and universal Synod, gathered by the grace of God and the sanction of our most pious and Christ-loving emperors in Chalcedon, metropolis of the province of Bithynia, to the most holy and most blessed Leo, Archbishop of the Romans.

Chapter I: The Synod Declares Leo Established as the Interpreter of the Voice of Blessed Peter for All, and as Head Over the Members of the Church

Our mouth is filled with joy, and our tongue with exultation (Ps. 125:2). Grace has fitted this prophecy as our own, since through those whom we speak of, the restoration of piety has been confirmed. For what is loftier than faith for rejoicing? What more festive for crowns than the knowledge of the Lord, which the Savior Himself delivered to us for salvation, saying: Going, teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, teaching them to observe all I commanded you (Matt. 28:19–20)? This thread, woven as if of gold from the precept of the Lawgiver, reaching down to us, you yourself have preserved — established as the interpreter of the voice of blessed Peter for all, and drawing to all the beatitude of his faith. And so we, using you as the initiator of good things for our benefit, showed to the Church’s children the inheritance and portion of truth — not each one teaching separately in secret, but declaring the confession of the faith with one spirit, one accord, and one conspiracy; and we were as in a common crown of joy, feasting as at an imperial banquet on the spiritual delicacies which Christ had prepared for His invited guests through your letters, and thought we could see among us the heavenly Bridegroom Himself. For if, where two or three are gathered in His name, He promised to be in their midst (Matt. 18:20), how much more did He show His intimacy with the bishops who preferred the knowledge of His confession over homeland and toil? Over these, indeed, as head over the members, you presided through those who held your rank, offering benevolence. The faithful emperors most fittingly presided over its adornment, like Zorobabel and Joshua (cf. Ezra 3:2), inviting the Church, as Jerusalem, to rebuild itself around the dogmas.

Chapter II: The Synod Condemns Dioscorus’s Tyranny; He Even Dared to Plan Excommunication Against Leo

The adversary, like a beast roaring outside the fold against itself, could seize no one unless one cast himself to be seized by him — as did the man who was once pontiff of the Alexandrians. Having wrought many prior evils, he surpassed them with what followed. For he deposed and condemned — beyond all canonical order — the blessed Flavian, pastor of Constantinople among the saints, who confessed the apostolic faith, and Eusebius, most beloved of God. And Eutyches, condemned for impiety, he established as innocent by his tyrant’s decrees, and restored to him the dignity which your holiness had rightly taken away as from one unworthy of such grace — and, like a singular beast rushing into the vineyard, overturned the finest planting he found there (Ps. 79:14); and reintroduced what had been uprooted as fruitless; and cut off those who had pastoral wisdom; and placed proven wolves over the sheep. After all this, he extended his madness even against the one to whom the Savior entrusted the care of the vineyard — that is, against your holiness — and planned excommunication against you, who hasten to unite the body of the Church. And instead of repenting or seeking mercy with tears, he exulted as over actions done soberly, rejecting the letter of your holiness and opposing all the dogmas of truth.

Chapter III: The Synod’s Mercy Toward Dioscorus and the Definition of the Faith Sealed by the Virgin Euphemia

He should indeed have been at once left among those whose part he had taken for himself; but as disciples of the Savior, who wills all to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth (1 Tim. 2:4), we hastened to extend mercy to him, summoning him to judgment with fraternal gentleness — not to cut off but to provide him an occasion of salvation through satisfaction — and we prayed that he be shown victorious over those who inscribed accusations against him, so that the festive joy of our council might be brought to completion without Satan prevailing. But he, bearing inscribed in his own conscience the conviction of his guilt, assented to his accusations by refusing judgment, and rejected three lawful summons. Therefore, as gently as we could, we confirmed the decree which he himself had brought against himself by sinning, stripping the wolf of the pastoral garb by which he had previously been merely outwardly concealed. Up to this point the troubles provoked against us were checked, and the grace of good things at once shone forth; and uprooting one tare, we filled the universal world with pure grain, with joy.

And taking on ourselves the power to uproot and to plant, we grieved to cut off one, but planted good things in abundance with diligence. God was at work — and the venerable Euphemia, as if taking our definition of the faith as her own bridal confession, offered it through the most pious emperor and the Christ-loving empress to her Bridegroom, settling every disturbance of adversaries and confirming the confession of truth, underwritten by the votes of all as a friend. These are the things which, present in spirit with you, and acting as those who wished to show favor to brothers in whom your wisdom has nearly appeared, we have accomplished.

Chapter IV: The Synod Discloses Canon 28 Confirming Constantinople’s Ordination Rights, Asks Leo to Honor Their Judgment With His Decrees

We also make known that we have established certain other measures for the ordered calm of affairs and the firmness of ecclesiastical statutes — knowing that your holiness, if it acknowledges them, will approve and confirm them. The custom which has long prevailed in the holy Church of God at Constantinople of ordaining the metropolitans of Asia, Pontus, and Thrace, we have now also confirmed by synodal decree — not so much conferring something on the see of Constantinople as providing fitting calm to metropolitan cities; for from the death of bishops very many tumults frequently arise, while clergy and peoples in those cities remain without a ruler and disorder the ecclesiastical order — a thing which has not escaped your holiness’s notice, especially on account of Ephesus, from which some have so often brought trouble upon you. We have also confirmed the rule of the hundred and fifty holy Fathers who were gathered at Constantinople under the great Theodosius of pious memory — which rule ordained that, after your most holy and Apostolic See, Constantinople, which has been established in second place, should hold the honor; confident that the apostolic ray shining through you has always, in its custom of governing, extended itself also to the Church of the Constantinopolitans, and has enriched those close to you without envy with a share of your goods. Wherefore what we have decreed for the removal of all confusion and the confirmation of ecclesiastical order — deign to embrace as fitting and friendly and as befitting you, most holy and most blessed Father. For those who hold the place of your holiness — the most holy bishops Paschasinus and Lucentius, and the most reverend presbyter Bonifacius who is with them — strongly resisted this, without doubt wishing this good to begin from your providence: so that, as the effect of faith, so also the effect of good order be attributed to you.

For we, caring for the most pious and Christ-loving emperors who are delighted by this, and for the most illustrious senate and the entire imperial city, as one may say, have judged it fitting for the confirmation of this honor to be celebrated by the universal council — and, as if these things had been initiated by your holiness, whom you always foster, we have confirmed them — knowing that whatever sons do rightly reverts to their fathers. We therefore ask that you honor our judgment with your decrees: and as we gave harmony to the head in good things, so may the head complete for its sons what befits them. Thus the pious emperors will be gratified, who confirmed the judgment of your holiness as law; and the see of Constantinople will receive its reward, joined to you always with all zealous devotion toward the cause of piety, in concord with you. That you may know we have done nothing out of favor or enmity, but under divine guidance, we have sent you the full force of all the proceedings for the approval of your sincerity and the firmness and harmony of our actions.

Subscriptions

  • Anatolius, bishop of Constantinople. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most holy and most blessed Father.
  • Maximus, bishop of the great city of Antioch. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most holy and most blessed Father.
  • Juvenalis, bishop of Jerusalem. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most holy and most blessed Father.
  • Cyriacus, bishop of the metropolis of Heraclea, subscribed through Lucian, most God-loving bishop. As above.
  • Diogenes, bishop of the metropolis of Cyzicus. As above.
  • Photius, bishop of the metropolis of Tyre. As above.
  • Florentius, bishop of the metropolis of Sardis in Lydia. Pray for my welfare, most God-loving Father.
  • Constantius, bishop of the metropolis of Bosra. Pray for my welfare, most holy and most blessed Father.
  • Theodorus, bishop of the metropolis of Damascus. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Seleucus, by God’s grace bishop of the metropolis of Amasea. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Constantinus, by God’s mercy bishop of the metropolis of Melitene. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most reverend Father.
  • Francion, bishop of the metropolis of Philippopolis. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most loving Father.
  • Pergamus, bishop of the metropolis of Pisidian Antioch. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Lucianus, bishop of Byza. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Gregorius, bishop of Adrianopolis. Pray for my welfare, most God-loving Father.
  • Theodoretus, bishop of Cyrus. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Meletius, bishop of Larissa, acting for the most blessed bishop lord of Apamea in Syria, subscribed. Pray for my welfare, most holy Father.
  • Acacius, by God’s mercy bishop of the city of Ariarathea. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Joannes, bishop of Germanicia. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Josephus, bishop of Heliopolis. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving and holy Father.
  • Calogerus, bishop of Claudiopolis. Pray for my welfare, most God-loving Father. And I subscribed through Euphrosynus, deacon.
  • Heraclius, by God’s mercy bishop of Comana. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Ibas, bishop of the metropolis of Edessa. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Sophronius, bishop of Constantina. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Uranius, bishop of Emesa. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Eusebius, bishop of Dorylaeum. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Aetherius, bishop of Smyrna. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Zenobius, bishop. As above.
  • Thomas, bishop of Theodosiopolis. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most loving Father.
  • Sabas, bishop of Paltus, subscribing through Patricius, bishop. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Patricius, bishop of Neocaesarea. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Rinus, by God’s grace bishop of Junopolis. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Eudoxius, bishop of Chomata. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Nicolaus, by God’s mercy bishop of Acarassus. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Evodius, bishop of Sauma. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Triphon, bishop of the Church of Chios. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Paulus, bishop of the most holy Church of Philomelium. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Theoctistus, bishop of Tyra. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Olympius, bishop of the most holy Church of Sozopolis. Pray for my welfare, most God-loving Father.
  • Joannes, humble bishop of the city of Barbileum. Pray for my welfare, most God-loving Father.
  • Valerius, bishop of the city of Laodicea Phrygia. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Basilius, bishop of the city of Nacolia. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Noe, bishop of the city. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Uranius, bishop of the city of Iboron. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Manasses, bishop of Theodosiopolis of Greater Armenia. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Aurelius, bishop. Pray for us, Father most blessed.
  • Restitutianus, bishop. Pray for us, holy and venerable Pope.
  • Amacius, bishop of the city of Sotorum. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Meletius, bishop of Larissa. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Fonteianus, bishop of Sagalassus. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Theodorus, by God’s mercy bishop of Antiphellus in Lycia. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Meliphtongus, by God’s mercy bishop of Heliopolis. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Thalassius, bishop of the city of Parium. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Alexander, bishop of the city of Seleucia in Pisidia. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Musianus, bishop of Limenorum. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Florentius, bishop of Lesbos. Pray for my welfare, most God-loving Father.
  • Epiphanius, bishop of the city of Midaeum. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Cyrus, bishop of the city of Sinandus. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Pancratius, bishop of Lybiades. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Polychronius, bishop of Antipatris. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Cyriacus, bishop of the city of Trognadorum, subscribed through my presbyter Chrysippus. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Eunomius, bishop of the metropolis of Nicomedia. Pray for my welfare, most God-loving Father.
  • Anastasius, bishop of the metropolis of Nicaea. Pray for my welfare, most God-loving Father.
  • Sebastianus, bishop of the city of Berrhoea. Pray for my welfare in the Lord, most God-loving Father.
  • Jovinus, bishop of the most holy Church of Debeltum. Pray for my welfare, most God-loving Father.
  • And likewise all the remaining bishops subscribed.

Here ends the report of the holy Synod of Chalcedon to Pope Leo.

Source/Reference

Notes / Historical Commentary

Letter XCVIII is the most important single document addressed to Leo in the entire corpus. It is the formal synodal letter of the Council of Chalcedon — written shortly after the council’s conclusion in October–November 451 — and it is the document in which five hundred Eastern bishops, gathered in what Christians still regard as the fourth ecumenical council, address the bishop of Rome in terms that the reader needs to sit with slowly. The letter has four chapters and a subscription list. Every one of them carries evidence for the question this project exists to illuminate.

Chapter I contains the most concentrated external acknowledgment of papal primacy in the entire Leo corpus: vocis beati Petri omnibus constitutus interpres, et ejus fidei beatificationem super omnes adducens — “established as the interpreter of the voice of blessed Peter for all, and drawing to all the beatitude of his faith.” This is not Leo’s claim about himself; it is Chalcedon’s claim about Leo. The synod does not say Leo resembles Peter, or that he acts in Peter’s spirit, or that he is worthy of Peter’s heritage. It says he has been constitutus — appointed, established — as the interpreter of Peter’s voice for the universal Church. The beatitude that Christ promised to Peter at Caesarea Philippi (Matt. 16:17) flows to all through Leo. The same chapter adds the head-to-members image: you presided over the council “as head over the members.” The reader who has followed the Petrine theology across Letters V, VI, IX, X, and XCIII will recognize these as the same structural claims Leo himself has made — now returned to him, with full conciliar authority, by the assembled East.

Chapter II’s accusation against Dioscorus deserves equal attention. The climax of the indictment — the act that exceeded even his assault on Flavian and Eusebius — is that Dioscorus “planned excommunication against you, who hasten to unite the body of the Church.” The synod identifies Leo as the custodian of the Church’s unity and Dioscorus’s attack on him as the peak of his disorder. This identification is precise: the one who unites the body of the Church is the one to whom the vineyard’s care was entrusted by the Savior. Dioscorus’s attempted excommunication of Leo was not merely an institutional offense; it was, in the synod’s framing, an assault on the Petrine office itself.

Chapter IV is historically the most complex, and it opens onto a question the reader of the full corpus should understand: the long effort by the see of Constantinople to establish its ecclesiastical status on the basis of its imperial position. Constantinople had no apostolic foundation. It was not planted by Peter or Paul, by Mark or by any of the Twelve; it was a new city, founded by Constantine in 330 on the site of the ancient Byzantium and elevated to the status of imperial capital as a deliberate act of political will. Everything that made Constantinople great was a gift of the emperor, not of the apostles. Yet its greatness was real and its gravitational pull on the church’s organizational life was immense. The temptation to translate imperial centrality into ecclesiastical primacy was correspondingly strong — and from the late fourth century onward, the bishops of Constantinople pursued that translation with increasing energy. The reader should note that in Leo’s time — and at Chalcedon itself — this imperial argument was the only argument Constantinople made. The later tradition connecting the apostle Andrew with the founding of ancient Byzantium, and therefore giving Constantinople an apostolic credential to set beside Rome’s Petrine foundation, does not appear as an ecclesiological argument until the ninth century, when it emerges in the Photian controversy precisely as a counter to Rome’s apostolic-foundation claim. At Chalcedon in 451, no such argument existed. Constantinople’s case rested entirely on being New Rome — and that was universally understood to be a political, not an apostolic, claim.

The first major move came at the Council of Constantinople in 381, in what became its third canon: “The bishop of Constantinople shall have the primacy of honor after the bishop of Rome, because Constantinople is New Rome.” The logic is stated plainly: the city’s status as the new imperial capital grounds its ecclesial rank. The canon did not claim equality with Rome, and it explicitly placed Constantinople below it — but the argument on which the subordinate claim rested was purely political. Rome itself was not present at the 381 council, which was an Eastern affair convened by the Emperor Theodosius I. Rome never formally received or acknowledged Canon 3 of 381. What the West eventually received from Constantinople I was the Creed — the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Symbol, which Leo and his predecessors recognized as an authoritative development of the Nicene faith. The council’s disciplinary canons, including Canon 3, were a different matter entirely, and they were not received. Leo’s own position, stated explicitly in his letters rejecting Canon 28, was that the 150 Fathers at Constantinople had no authority to alter the arrangements established at Nicaea — and that Canon 3 had accordingly never acquired binding force. This distinction between receiving the Creed and receiving the disciplinary canons is not a post hoc invention; it is attested in the history of how the West handled Constantinople I from the beginning. And it points directly to the question Canon 28 itself raises: if Canon 3 of 381 had already been universally received and in force, Canon 28 would have been unnecessary. The council of 451 would simply have cited the existing canon and moved on. The fact that Chalcedon needed to restate, amplify, and seek fresh confirmation for Constantinople’s claims — and that Leo’s legates immediately contested it — is the clearest possible evidence that the 381 settlement had never been accepted as binding by the universal church. Canon 28 was an attempt to win through a recognized ecumenical council what Canon 3 had failed to establish. Leo nullified it by apostolic authority — and in doing so demonstrated the very principle the synod’s own request had presupposed: the council’s act was subject to papal judgment, and that judgment was annulment.

Canon 28 of Chalcedon was the second major move, and it was more ambitious than the first. Building on the 381 canon, it extended Constantinople’s authority to ordain the metropolitans of three Eastern dioceses — Asia, Pontus, and Thrace — regions that had previously been under the oversight of Alexandria, Antioch, and their suffragans. The rationale remained the same: Constantinople is New Rome, and as Rome’s prerogatives derive from its being the old imperial capital, Constantinople should enjoy equivalent prerogatives in the East. Leo’s legates formally protested at Session XVII of the council. The appeal for Leo’s confirmation that followed was not a single letter but a coordinated three-part campaign: the council itself (Letter XCVIII), Emperor Marcian (Letter C), and Anatolius of Constantinople personally (Letter CI) all pressed the same request. Leo’s response was equally deliberate, and it came in three letters that together show him operating in every register his office commanded. In Letter CIV to Marcian, he addresses the emperor directly: Constantinople is a royal city, but it cannot make itself an Apostolic See; the Nicene canons cannot be overturned; his own stewardship before God does not permit him to prioritize one brother’s ambition over the universal Church’s common good — framing his rejection not as preference but as accountability. In Letter CVI to Anatolius, he addresses the canonical argument: the Constantinople I canons were never sent to the Apostolic See by Anatolius’s predecessors and therefore never received; “no number of bishops, however large, dare compare or prefer itself to Nicaea’s three hundred eighteen, so divinely privileged that any ecclesiastical judgments, by fewer or more, contrary to their constitutions, are wholly void.” He also explicitly validates his legates’ opposition, telling Anatolius that their resistance “commends them to me, but accuses you.” In Letter CV to the Empress Pulcheria, he delivers the formal apostolic act: the agreements are null, void, and without ecclesiastical force, annulled “by the authority of the blessed apostle Peter, entrusted to us in the governance of the Church.” Canonical judge, theological reasoner, apostolic authority — three modes of a single office, brought to bear on a single question from three different angles.

What is most significant for the reader of the present letter is what the synod does not claim, even as it presses its case. Nowhere in Chapter IV — despite the full weight of the imperial court, the senate, and the assembled Eastern episcopate behind it — does the council assert that Constantinople is equal to Rome, or that its honor rests on any ground other than Rome’s precedent. The formula is explicit: post vestram sanctissimam et apostolicam sedem — “after your most holy and Apostolic See.” Constantinople is second; Rome is first. And the letter’s request that Leo “honor our judgment with your decrees” implicitly acknowledges that the canon lacks something without his ratification. The council knew what it was asking for and why it needed to ask. Leo’s nullification of Canon 28 was not an innovation; it was the exercise of exactly the confirmatory authority the synod’s own language presupposed — applied in the form of annulment rather than ratification.

The trajectory that began at Constantinople I in 381 and continued at Chalcedon in 451 did not reach its terminus in Leo’s lifetime. The claims of the Constantinopolitan see escalated gradually over the following centuries — from second after Rome, to equal with Rome, to the sharp ecclesiastical ruptures of the ninth century and 1054 — but none of that escalation belongs to this letter, and reading it back into this moment distorts what the document actually shows. At Chalcedon, the eastern bishops addressed Leo as the interpreter of Peter’s voice, the head over the members, the one to whom the vineyard’s care was entrusted. They asked for his approval. The structural acknowledgment of Roman primacy is written into the very act of asking — and Leo’s subsequent nullification of Canon 28 by apostolic authority, while confirming Chalcedon’s doctrinal definitions, demonstrates from the other side the same authority: he distinguishes between what belongs to the faith and what violates the ancient order, and both judgments are his to render.

Two details from the manuscript tradition deserve the reader’s notice. The number of subscribing bishops — “approximately 520,” as the PL apparatus notes — comes from the Greek original and the Rusticus translation (a second Latin rendering preserved in the PL as an “older version” alongside the primary text used here); the primary Latin text does not give the number. The PL also preserves the colophon added by the synodal secretary: Explicit relatio sanctæ synodi Chalcedonensis ad papam Leonem — “Here ends the report of the holy Synod of Chalcedon to Pope Leo.” The secretary calls Leo papa — Pope. That title, combined with the subscriptions from bishops across the Eastern church addressing Leo as “most holy and most blessed Father,” “most God-loving Father,” and (in Restitutianus’s case) “holy and venerable Pope,” constitutes the most extensive conciliar acknowledgment of Leo’s dignity as Roman bishop in the entire documentary record of the fifth century.

The Early Church and Peter's Primacy