The Early Church and Peter's Primacy

Letter III, from Pope Anastasius II to Laurentius, Bishop of Lychnidos

Synopsis: Anastasius II writes to Laurentius, bishop of Lychnidos in eastern Illyricum (497) — rejoicing that Felix III’s letter on Acacius’s offenses has been read in the church of Thessalonica and others with universal anathematization of Acacius and complete refusal of communion with the prevaricator; observing that, since it is the custom of the Roman Church for a newly constituted priest to send forth the form of his faith to the holy churches, he renews in compendious brevity what Gelasius of blessed memory had already supplied copiously to the bishops of Illyricum; and committing his profession to a comprehensive Chalcedonian Christology that anathematizes Apollinarianism, Eutychianism, Docetism, and every rejection of the two-natures formula — closing with the hope that the most clement and most Christian emperor may conjoin his unanimity and assistance to this papal preaching, restraining in those regions those who, by petty disputes and the elements of the world, spin out superfluous and vain things against the salutary discipline.

Anastasius, bishop, to Laurentius of Lychnidos.

Chapter I: The Eastern Reception of Felix III’s Letter on Acacius; The Roman Custom of Sending the Formula of Faith

1. In the lengthy letter of your charity you have filled Us with great joy in the part where you say that, when the letter of Our predecessor concerning the offenses of Acacius was read in the church of Thessalonica, and similarly in others, all together pronounced anathema upon him, and not one mixed himself in the communion of the prevaricator. Wherefore, since you admonish Us in fraternal love that We ought to administer, as it were, a certain medicine of faith to the bishops throughout Illyricum and others — although this has been done most copiously by Our predecessor of blessed memoryand since it is the custom of the Roman Church that a priest newly constituted send forth the form of his faith to the holy churches, I have endeavored to renew these same matters in this overly compressed brevity, so that the reader may, in this Our letter, on account of brevity recognize without weariness under what faith one ought to live, according to the statutes of the fathers.

Chapter II: The Formula of Faith — Two Perfect Natures, One Christ; The Anathema of the Catholic and Apostolic Church

2. We confess therefore that Our Lord Jesus Christ, the only-begotten Son of God, was born of the Father before all ages without beginning according to the Godhead, and in the last days from the holy Virgin Mary the same was incarnated and made a perfect man by the assumption of a rational soul and a body — homoousion with the Father according to the Godhead, and homoousion with us according to the humanity. For the unity of the two perfect natures has been made ineffably, on account of which We confess one Christ, the same only-begotten Son of God and of man from the Father, and firstborn from the dead — knowing that He is coeternal with His Father according to the divinity, according to which He is the artificer of all things, and that He deigned, after the consent of the holy Virgin, when she said to the angel: Behold the handmaid of the Lord, be it done unto me according to thy word (Luke 1:38), ineffably to build for Himself a temple from her, and at once united it to Himself: which body He did not bring down coeternal from His own substance from heaven, but [took] from the mass of our substance, that is, from the Virgin. Receiving this and uniting it to Himself, the Word God was not turned into flesh, nor appeared as a phantasm, but inconvertibly and immutably preserved His own essence, and taking the first-fruits of our nature He united them to Himself. For God the Word, in the beginning, deigned to unite these first-fruits of our nature [to Himself] through His great goodness — because not commingled, but seen as one and the same in both substances, according to what is written: Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it up (John 2:19). For Christ Jesus is destroyed according to that substance which He assumed, and the destroyed He raises as His own temple — this He does according to the divine substance, according to which He is also the artificer of all. But never, through the resurrection of our union, did He depart from His own temple, nor can He depart, on account of His ineffable benignity. The same Lord Jesus Christ is both passible and impassible: passible according to the humanity, impassible according to the divinity. Therefore God the Word raised up His temple, and in Himself wrought the resurrection and renewal of our nature.

And this Christ our Lord and our God, after He arose from the dead, showed to His disciples, saying: Handle Me and see, for a spirit hath not flesh and bones, as you see Me to have (Luke 24:39). He did not say as you say Me to be, but to have — that, considering both the One who has and that which is had, you may regard not commingling, not conversion, not change, but a unity that has been made. For this reason He showed the marks of the nails and the wound of the spear, and ate with His disciples — to teach the resurrection of our nature in Himself renewed in all respects: and because, according to the blessed substance of His divinity, He is inconvertible, immutable, impassible, immortal, in need of nothing, perfecting all things, He Himself permitted the sufferings to be brought upon His own temple, which He raised up by His own power, and through the perfection proper to that temple wrought the renewal of our nature.

But those who say Christ was an attenuated man, or a passible God, or that He was turned into flesh, or had a body not co-united, or that He brought it down from heaven, or that He is a phantasm, or saying that the mortal Word God needed to be raised by the Father, or that He assumed a body without a soul, or a man without intellect, or that the two substances of Christ, confused by commingling, were made one substance — and not confessing Our Lord Jesus Christ to be two unconfused natures and one person, according to which He is one Christ, one and the same Son: these the Catholic and Apostolic Church anathematizes.

Chapter III: The Roman Synod and the Legation; Imperial Assistance for the Discipline of Illyricum

3. These therefore are the things, dearest brother, which you have urged that We ought to send as an antidote, since no bitterness nor harmful sweetness has frightened you off from looking [at it]. For We had arranged also from Our synod to dispatch certain persons, if the reason of the time had permitted: which We believe will be done at the appropriate time, when the correction of those parts has been announced to Us, the Lord helping, by the fullest legation, as We trust. Hoping also, in Our God’s mercy, that to this Our preaching the most clement and most Christian emperor may conjoin his own unanimity and assistance: that, on behalf of the faith in which he prevails, he may restrain in those regions those who, by their petty disputes and according to the elements of the world (as the vessel of election foretold), spin out superfluous and vain things, unwilling to be contained by the salutary disciplines. But you, as the same Apostle says, have not so learned Christ — if indeed you have heard Him and have been taught in Him, as the truth is in Jesus (Eph. 4:20–21) — which truth he certainly may apprehend who, as has often been said, observes the institutions of the orthodox fathers. May God preserve you safe, dearest brother!

Source/Reference

Notes / Historical Commentary

Letter III is the third in the small Anastasian corpus, addressed to Laurentius, the metropolitan bishop of Lychnidos in eastern Illyricum, in 497. The reader who has followed the corpus to this point will recognize the structural and substantive continuities: the same legation to Constantinople (Cresconius and Germanus) that bore Letter I to the Emperor Anastasius is referred to here as the embassy through which the correction of those parts is to be announced; the same predecessor (Felix III) whose sentence on Acacius is at the heart of Letter I’s diplomatic question is here invoked as the author of the letter received in Thessalonica and the other Illyrican churches; and the same successor of blessed memory (Gelasius I) whose discipline frames Anastasius II’s whole pontificate is here invoked as the predecessor whose copious supply of medicina fidei Anastasius II is renewing.

The opening of Chapter I is one of the most striking primacy passages in the corpus. Anastasius II reports that, in the Thessalonian church and the others under Laurentius’s metropolitan authority, the letter of his predecessor on the offenses of Acacius was publicly read; that all together pronounced anathema upon Acacius; and that no one mixed himself in the communion of the prevaricator. The reader should note what is being described. A Roman synodal sentence — Felix III’s sentence of 484 — is the document received and acted upon. The sentence is read in the public liturgy of the Eastern church. The action it commands (anathema and refusal of communion) is performed unanimously. The Eastern bishops of the Illyrican metropolitan structure are represented as accepting and executing a sentence pronounced by Rome. Anastasius II calls this a source of great joy — and the joy is not at having converted them, but at finding the proper canonical structure operative: the Roman sentence read, received, and acted upon.

The second clause of Chapter I is equally significant: mos est Romanae ecclesiae sacerdoti noviter constituto formam fidei suae ad sanctas ecclesias praerogare — “it is the custom of the Roman Church that a priest newly constituted send forth the form of his faith to the holy churches.” This is presented not as a privilege Anastasius II is claiming but as a custom he is observing — a continuation of what his predecessors have done. The reader should note the direction of the communication: from the Roman pontiff outward, to the holy churches. The Roman bishop’s profession of faith is sent forth to the wider Church on his accession; the wider Church receives and recognizes that profession as the standard of communion. The same custom Anastasius II invokes here would, twenty-two years later, be codified by the Formula of Hormisdas as the canonical requirement for Eastern bishops wishing to be in communion with the Apostolic See: subscription to the Roman profession.

The Christological exposition of Chapter II is a complete Chalcedonian formula, with anathemas covering virtually every fifth-century christological error: Apollinarianism (the attenuated man, the man without intellect, the body without a soul), patripassianism (the passible God), the doctrine of the Word transformed into flesh, the heavenly-body theory, Docetism (the phantasm), the position that the Word required to be raised, and Eutychianism (the two natures confused by commingling into one substance). The reader should note that the formula’s positive content is identical with the language of Chalcedon: two unconfused natures, one person, one Christ, one and the same Son. Anastasius II is professing Chalcedon as the standard of his communion, against the Henoticon, against any compromise on the formula, and in unbroken continuity with Leo I’s Tome. The reader who recalls that Anastasius II is also the pope offering procedural conciliation toward Constantinople (Letter I) will see how the conciliation is to be understood: it is offered on the basis of the Chalcedonian formula, not as an alternative to it.

The closing of Chapter III is also worth attention. Anastasius II refers to huic praedicationi nostrae — “this Our preaching” — and prays that the most clement and most Christian emperor may conjoin to it his unanimity and assistance. The reader should note the direction of the relation. The papal preaching is the principal action; the imperial action is its assistance and concurrence. The emperor restrains, in the regions where his power prevails, those who would resist the salutary discipline; the salutary discipline itself is the discipline taught and professed by the Roman pontiff. The structure is the same that Gelasius I had articulated in Duo Sunt (Letter VIII, 494): the Roman pontiff teaches and judges; the Christian emperor protects and executes. Even in the conciliatory mode of Anastasius II’s pontificate, the structural premise is unchanged: the See of Peter is the principal, the imperial office the auxiliary. The Formula of Hormisdas (519) would later codify exactly this relation by requiring the emperor to subscribe to the Roman formula and to require its subscription from his bishops.

The reader should also note what Letter III makes evident about the Anastasian project as a whole. The conciliation toward Constantinople offered in Letter I is not an isolated diplomatic gesture but part of a wider program of which the Illyrican correspondence is the western flank. The same legation that goes to the emperor goes also through the Illyrican metropolitan churches; the same Felix-Gelasius continuity that grounds Letter I’s defense of the original Roman action against Acacius grounds Letter III’s account of how the medicine of faith is being supplied to Illyricum; and the same Chalcedonian formula that the conciliation rests on is set out here in full as the form of faith that the Roman bishop sends forth on his accession. Letter I tries to bring the East back to communion through procedural softening; Letter III shows the doctrinal substance on which any such return would have to be founded. They are not in tension; they are the two faces of a single conciliatory program — soft on procedure, firm on doctrine — that the Roman clergy ultimately found insufficient and that Hormisdas, in 519, would replace with the firmer instrument that finally closed the schism.

The Early Church and Peter's Primacy