The Early Church and Peter's Primacy

Letter I, from Pope Anastasius II to the Emperor Anastasius I

Synopsis: Anastasius II writes to the eastern emperor Anastasius I at the very beginning of his pontificate (late 496), requesting that the name of the deceased patriarch Acacius be specifically passed over in silence (specialiter taceatur) in the Constantinopolitan diptychs — grounding the request in the See of Peter’s primacy assigned to it by the Lord God in the universal Church, in the apostolic exhortation against rashly judging those who have migrated to God, and in the doctrine that those whom Acacius baptized or ordained after his Roman condemnation suffer no injury from the unworthiness of the minister, since the sacrament’s validity rests on the work of Christ rather than the worthiness of the human agent — sent through the legates Cresconius and Germanus, his fellow bishops, with the fuller instruction concerning Acacius’s offenses.

Bishop Anastasius to the Most Glorious and Most Clement Son Anastasius Augustus.

Exordium: The See of the Most Blessed Peter Holds in the Universal Church the Primacy Assigned to It by the Lord God

At the beginning of my pontificate I bear, as my first announcement, the peace offered to the peoples. I therefore come forward, a humble suppliant before Your Piety, on behalf of the Catholic faith: in which I trust that divine favor has first drawn near to me, since the consonance of your most august name with mine without doubt supplies aid — that just as the most exalted name of Your Piety shines forth through all nations throughout the whole world, so through the ministry of my humility, the See of the most blessed Peter — as it ever does — holds in the universal Church the primacy assigned to it by the Lord God. Nor on account of one dead man let that tunic of the Savior, woven from above through the whole, longer suffer the uncertainty of an evil lot — that tunic which alone could not, for the sake of its own firmness, come into division — Your Serenity especially governing the commonwealth, who, even in private life, had so much zeal toward the study of sincere religion that, as most certain report has celebrated, no one is said to have observed more diligently than Your Serenity, even among the foremost priests, the rules of the Church established by the holy fathers. We trust that this holy zeal has grown together with the majesty of the empire.

Chapter I: The Legation Is Discharged for Christ; The Deceased Are Not to Be Publicly Named on Account of Offense or Scandal

We discharge our legation for Christ, that you not allow them to be publicly named on account of offense or scandal — those whose merits or acts cannot be hidden from that Judge in whose judgment they are now established. Nor can rash presumption, still in mortal body, intrude itself there, where not only confession reveals the open merits of each, but even the secret of silence itself cannot lie hidden. For both our predecessor Pope Felix and Acacius are without doubt in that place where each one cannot, under so great a Judge, lose the quality of his own merit.

Chapter II: The Apostolic Admonition: We Live and Die to the Lord; God Alone Searches the Heart

Therefore, with the most blessed Apostle Paul admonishing us that there be no offense in the Church when we attempt to do what we cannot — to judge those who have already passed beyond — let Your Tranquillity recognize what is to be observed. For he says of those who presume to judge concerning matters belonging to God alone: For none of us lives to himself, and none dies to himself. For if we live, we live to the Lord; or if we die, we die to the Lord; therefore whether we live or die, we are the Lord’s. For to this end Christ rose from the dead, that He might be Lord of both the living and the dead. But why dost thou judge thy brother? Or why dost thou despise thy brother? For we shall all stand before the tribunal of Christ. For it is written: I live, says the Lord, that to Me every knee shall bow, and every tongue shall confess to God. Therefore each of us shall give account for himself to God. Let us no longer therefore judge one another, but judge this rather, that you put no offense or scandal in the way of a brother (Rom. 14:7–13).

The blessed Apostle therefore admonishes that no one usurp rash daring in this matter — by presuming to judge those whom no one can judge better or more truly than God — and that, on this account, the peace and unity of the Church not be dissipated. For also in the Book of Kingdoms it is said: Not as man sees, does God see: for man looks on the face, but God looks on the heart (1 Sam. 16:7). Likewise in the First Book of Paralipomenon: And now, Solomon, know the God of thy fathers, and serve Him with a perfect heart and a willing mind, for the Lord searches all hearts and knows every thought (1 Chron. 28:9). Likewise in Ezekiel: Thus says the Lord God: So you have spoken, O house of Israel, and the thoughts of your spirit, I know them (Ezek. 11:5). Whence also of the Lord as Judge it is said in the Gospel: But Jesus, knowing their thoughts, said: Why think you evil things in your hearts?

Chapter III: That the Name of Acacius Be Specifically Passed Over in Silence; The Roman Sentence Did Not Proceed from Pride but from Zeal for Divinity

We therefore beseech Your Clemency that specifically the name of Acacius be passed over in silence — that he who from many causes has stirred up scandal or offense for the Church may, by a special designation, be passed over, since, as we have said, in the generality of priests the merit of each one cannot be hidden from that Judge who knows what is to be assigned to each according to a calculated dispensation of merits, to whom alone even thoughts are manifest. But how many transgressions and presumptions Acacius committed — lest it perhaps seem burdensome to suggest in detail to Your Clemency — to my brothers and fellow-bishops Cresconius and also Germanus, whom we have sent to Your Serenity, we have given the fullest instruction concerning the individual matters of Acacius, of what kind he was — to be more specifically reviewed by Your Clemency, if it shall please Your Piety to investigate more curiously, lest in any matter the truth seem lacking from our suggestion: that, by Your Divine Wisdom, you may clearly see that no such sentence proceeded against Acacius from pride or elevation of the Apostolic See, but was extorted, as we estimate apart from that judgment which alone cannot be deceived, by certain crimes — by zeal rather for divinity.

Chapter IV: Contention Is Greatly to Be Avoided; Apostolic Exhortations to Unity

But we, humbly supplicating, do not wish controversy to remain in the Church, since contention is rather to be avoided, as is said in Proverbs: Hatred stirs up contention; but friendship protects all who do not contend (Prov. 10:12). For also the Apostle to the Corinthians: For while there are envyings and contentions among you, are you not carnal and walk according to man? (1 Cor. 3:3). Likewise to the Philippians: If therefore there be any consolation in Christ, if any solace of love, if any fellowship of the Spirit, if any compassion and mercies, fulfill my joy, that you may all say the same thing, having the same love, doing nothing through contention, nor by vainglory, but in humility of mind esteeming each other better than themselves, looking each not to their own things, but to those of others (Phil. 2:1–4).

Chapter V: Your Serenity Is to Bring the Alexandrians Back to Sincere and Catholic Faith

This, however, I especially impress upon Your Serenity, most glorious and most clement son Augustus: that when the matters of the Alexandrians have been laid open to your most pious ears, you cause them by your authority, wisdom, and divine admonitions to return to the sincere and Catholic faith. For what is to be held in the Catholic religion, according to the definitions of the fathers and the preaching of all the priests who have flourished in the Church, if Your Serenity should command this also, we shall renew it for those who know — by transmitting it to memory — and offer it for learning to those who are ignorant, by the duty of our instruction; that no boasting or perversity of intellects beyond these may be heard.

Chapter VI: Your Serenity Is Admonished to Obey the Constitutions of the Apostolic See

This more particularly we proclaim, by reason of love for Your Empire and of the blessedness which the kingdom may attain, by the apostolic office: that, as is fitting and as the Holy Spirit dictates, obedience be granted to our admonitions, that all good things may follow Your Commonwealth, as is promised in Exodus: If thou wilt hear the voice of the Lord thy God and do what is pleasing before Him and obey His precepts and keep all His justice, every infirmity which I imposed on the Egyptians, I will not impose on thee: for I am the Lord, who saves thee (Exod. 15:26). And there again the most powerful trumpet sounds: And now, Israel, what does the Lord thy God ask of thee, but that thou fear the Lord thy God and walk in all His ways and love Him and serve the Lord thy God with all thy heart and all thy soul, to keep the precepts of the Lord thy God and His justices, which I command thee? (Deut. 10:12–13). Let Your Piety not despise me when I more frequently suggest these things, having before your eyes the words of the Lord in the Gospel: He who hears you, hears Me; and he who despises you, despises Me; and he who despises Me, despises Him who sent Me (Luke 10:16). For also the Apostle, in concord with our Savior, so speaks: Wherefore, he who despises these things does not despise man, but God, who has given His Holy Spirit in us (1 Thess. 4:8). The breast of Your Clemency is the sanctuary of public happiness — that, by your urgent attention (which God commanded, as a vicar, to preside on earth) — the evangelical and apostolic precepts may not be resisted by harsh pride, but rather, through obedience, what is salutary may be fulfilled.

Chapter VII: Those Whom Acacius Baptized or Ordained Suffer No Injury from His Name; The Validity of Sacraments Independent of the Minister’s Worthiness

For let Your Serenity’s most sacred breast acknowledge, according to the custom of the Catholic Church, that no portion of injury reaches by the name of Acacius any of those whom he baptized, or whom he ordained as priests or deacons according to the canons — by which perhaps the grace of the sacrament given through an unjust man might appear less firm. For also baptism (which let it be far from the Church to deny) — whether it has been given by an adulterer or by a thief — comes inviolate to the receiver of the gift: because that voice which sounded through the dove excludes every stain of human pollution, by which it is declared and is said: This is He who baptizes in the Spirit and fire (Luke 3:16). For if the rays of this visible sun, when they pass through the most foul places, are stained by no contact of pollution, much more is the power of Him who made this visible sun not constrained by any unworthiness of the minister.

For also Judas, although he was sacrilegious and a thief, in whatever he did among the apostles by the dignity committed to him, the benefits given through an unworthy man suffered no detriment from this — the Lord himself declaring the same with most manifest voice: The Scribes and Pharisees, He says, sit upon the chair of Moses: do what they say, but do not what they do; for they say and do not (Matt. 23:2–3). Whatever therefore any minister in the Church seems to work for the advancement of men by his office, all this is contained in the fulfilling effect of divinity — even as Paul, through whom Christ speaks, affirms: I planted, Apollo watered, but God gave the increase. Therefore neither he who plants is anything, nor he who waters, but God who gives the increase (1 Cor. 3:6–7). It is not asked who or of what sort preaches, but whom he preaches: so that He may confirm even the envious to preach Christ well — by which evil the devil himself is cast down — and yet does not, by this very thing, cease from falling headlong.

Chapter VIII: The Wicked Harm Themselves by Ministering Good Things; The Sacrament Is Inviolable

Therefore he also, whose name we say is to be passed over in silence, by ministering good things wickedly harmed only himself. For the inviolable sacrament given through him obtained for others the perfection of its own power. But if there is among any so far-extended a curious suspicion as to imagine that, after the judgment pronounced by Pope Felix, [Acacius] thereafter acted ineffectually in the sacraments which he usurped, and accordingly that those who received the mysteries delivered to them either in consecrations or in baptism are to fear that the divine benefits might appear void: let them remember that, in this part also, the higher consideration prevails — that, having been adjudged, he so acted not without usurpation of the priesthood; in which mysteries, retaining their own power, in this respect also the guilty person did harm to himself, not to others. For of him pertains what the Davidic trumpet sounds: But God shall break the heads of His enemies, the crown of the hair of those walking in their offenses (Ps. 67:22). For pride always brings ruin to itself, not to others — as the universal authority of heavenly Scriptures testifies, just as also through the Holy Spirit it is said by the prophet: He who works pride shall not dwell in the midst of My house (Ps. 100:7). Whence, when the condemned vindicated for himself the name of priest, in the very crown the swelling of his pride was inflicted: because not the people, who in the mysteries thirsted for the gift itself, was excluded, but the soul alone — the soul that had sinned — was, by just judgment, liable to its own fault; which is everywhere testified by the abundant instruction of the Scriptures.

Whence, with the studies and wiles of men still placed in this present fragility set aside, according to our prayers, by your effort and imperial authority, offer to our God one Catholic and apostolic Church: because this alone is the thing in which Your Serenity may triumph without end, not only on earth, but also in heaven.

Subscription: May Almighty God guard your kingdom and your salvation by perpetual protection, most glorious and most clement, ever Augustus.

Source/Reference

Notes / Historical Commentary

Letter I is the foundational document of Pope Anastasius II’s brief and controversial pontificate. Written at the very beginning of his episcopate — late 496 — it sets out the conciliatory program that would define his two years in office and that, more than any other factor, accounts for the disputed succession (Symmachus vs. Laurentius) that followed his sudden death in November 498. The reader who wishes to understand both the high-water mark of late-fifth-century Roman conciliation toward Constantinople and the precise formulation that Roman clergy ultimately found unacceptable will find Letter I essential.

The clearly substantive concession in this letter is the sacramental one of Chapters VII–VIII — that those whom Acacius baptized or ordained after his Roman condemnation suffer no injury from his name, since the validity of the sacrament rests on the work of Christ rather than on the canonical standing of the human minister, and that those Acacian-era clerics could therefore be received in their grades without re-ordination. Thiel’s Vita of Anastasius II identifies this proposal — ordinatos ab Acacio in suis gradibus recipiendos — as the principal point that drew Roman criticism, with some declaring that the pope had departed from the decretals of Innocent, Zosimus, Leo, and Gelasius. The diptychs formula in Chapter III — specialiter nomen taceatur Acacii — is more diplomatically phrased than Gelasius’s repeated demands for the formal obliteration of the name, but its substantive scope is genuinely ambiguous: standard secondary scholarship reads Anastasius II as still demanding the substantive removal of Acacius’s name, only in softer rhetorical register, and the practical equivalence of silent omission and formal removal is debated rather than clear. What is retained throughout the letter: the canonical sentence against Acacius stands; his offenses are documented and presented to the emperor through the legates; the sentence is not lifted; the original Roman action is defended as not from pride but from zeal for divinity. What is conceded: the sacramental position of Chapters VII–VIII, with its practical consequence for the reception of Acacian-era clerics, and possibly some softening of the rhetorical demand on the diptychs. For Anastasius II the conciliation rested on Catholic sacramental teaching applied to a difficult case; for the Roman clergy, the practical reception of those ordained by Acacius after his excommunication amounted to an unacceptable rehabilitation of those who had remained in his communion; and the difference between the two readings is the substance of what would tear Rome apart in 498.

The primacy claim in the exordium deserves attention as one of the most direct articulations of Roman primacy in the period. The Latin is sedes beatissimi Petri in universali Ecclesia assignatum sibi a domino Deo teneat principatum — “the See of the most blessed Peter holds in the universal Church the primacy assigned to it by the Lord God.” Each clause is theologically loaded: the scope is universal, the source is divine, and the term principatum is the same governing-political vocabulary Leo I had used to Dioscorus in 444 and Gelasius’s Roman synod had used in synodal acta in 495. The reader should especially note where the claim appears: in the very letter making the substantive concession on Acacius. Anastasius II does not soften the primacy claim because he is conciliating; rather, he makes the conciliation on the basis of the primacy. The See exercises its own discretion regarding the form of the canonical sanction precisely because it holds the primacy of the whole Church. The structural premise is identical to Gelasius’s: the See of Peter holds, by the Lord’s own grant, the primacy of the universal Church. What differs is the application — at which points the canonical demand on Eastern reconciliation should be relaxed (most clearly, the sacramental reception of Acacian-era clerics; possibly also a softer formulation of the demand on the diptychs). On those applied questions Anastasius II differed from his predecessors and successors; on the underlying primacy claim the corpus of late-fifth-century Roman discipline is unanimous.

The defense of the Apostolic See’s action against Acacius in the second half of Chapter III is equally telling. Non superbia vel elatione sedis apostolicae in Acacium talem processisse sententiam — that no such sentence proceeded against Acacius from pride or elevation of the Apostolic See, but from zelo divinitatis, from zeal for divinity. Anastasius II is anticipating the most natural Eastern response to any Roman conciliation: that the original Roman action had been excessive in the first place, motivated by pride or by Roman ecclesiastical ambition. He refuses that framing. The action was just; the offenses were real; the sentence stands. The continuity argument — Felix and Gelasius were not wrong; Anastasius II is not overturning their work — is structural to the whole pontificate. The reader will note how careful Anastasius II is to keep this distinction visible: he speaks of praedecessor noster papa Felix with full deference (Chapter I), he insists that the sentence was not from pride (Chapter III), and he sends the legates with the fuller documentation of Acacius’s offenses precisely so that no question may arise about the soundness of the original judgment.

The doctrine of sacramental validity in Chapters VII and VIII is not an innovation by Anastasius II but a restatement of settled Catholic teaching applied to a particular controversy. The Catholic distinction between validity (the sacrament actually conferring what it signifies, on the basis of proper matter, form, and intent) and liceity (the sacrament being performed lawfully under canon law) was already articulated by Augustine against the Donatists: orders and baptisms conferred with the proper rite are valid even when conferred by a minister in moral or canonical irregularity. Anastasius II is applying this settled doctrine to the case of Acacius — restating that those whom Acacius ordained or baptized after his excommunication received valid (though illicit) sacraments, since the validity rests on the work of Christ rather than on the canonical standing of the human minister. The pastoral consequence is that Eastern bishops who had received valid orders through Acacius could be received into Roman communion without re-ordination, and laity baptized through him need not be re-baptized. This is the same doctrine on which Catholic recognition of Eastern Orthodox orders has always rested.

The reader should note carefully what this argument does and does not concede. It does not concede that Acacius was in communion with Rome — he was not. It does not concede that his post-condemnation acts were licit — they were not. It concedes that the sacraments he conferred were valid (which is the standard Catholic position regardless of the minister’s canonical standing) and, by extension, that those whom he had ordained could be received in their grades without re-ordination. This last point — ordinatos ab Acacio in suis gradibus recipiendos — is identified by Thiel’s Vita of Anastasius II as the proposal that drew the principal Roman objection: some declared that the pope had departed from the decretals of Innocent, Zosimus, Leo, and Gelasius, and that the Roman church had repudiated his decrees. The Liber Pontificalis records (with hostile coloring) the further suspicion that Anastasius II had communicated with Photinus the deacon of Thessalonica, who was in Acacius’s communion; Symmachian-period sources accuse him of wanting to recall Acacius’s name from condemnation. Whether or not these later accusations are fair, the substance of the Roman objection was the practical reception of Acacian-era clerics in their grades — not the doctrine of sacramental validity itself, which the corpus uniformly held in the Augustinian terms Anastasius II articulates here, but its application as the canonical basis for receiving without further canonical scrutiny those who had been ordained by Acacius after his Roman condemnation.

The vicarial language in Chapter VI, applied to the imperial office, has occasioned scholarly discussion. Per instantiam vestram, quam velut vicarium Deus praesidere jussit in terris — “by your insistence, which as a vicar God commanded to preside on earth.” The phrase places the emperor in a vicarial relation to divine governance for the temporal sphere. The reader should note that this is not in itself doctrinally heterodox: Catholic political theology from Leo I forward acknowledges that civil rulers hold their authority from God for civil and temporal governance (cf. Romans 13). But the rhetorical mode is markedly softer than Gelasius I’s Duo Sunt (494), which had explicitly subordinated the imperial potestas to the priestly auctoritas: priests give account to God even for the kings themselves, and the priestly burden is therefore the heavier. Anastasius II’s letter, written in the conciliatory mode that his diplomatic mission required, opens larger rhetorical space for the imperial role than Gelasius’s magisterial mode had allowed. The next generation of popes returned to Gelasius’s framing, and the Formula of Hormisdas (519) would place the imperial role in a different register altogether — protector and executor of Roman discipline, not co-vicar of divine governance for the spiritual sphere.

Letter I therefore stands as both the high-water mark of late-fifth-century Roman conciliation toward Constantinople and the document by which Anastasius II’s conciliatory program ultimately became unsustainable. The legation of Cresconius and Germanus arrived in Constantinople; the senator Faustus, acting for the Gothic king Theodoric, complicated the negotiations by offering Theodoric’s recognition in exchange for imperial recognition of the Henoticon; the conciliation collapsed before Anastasius II could see it through; and the pope died suddenly in November 498. The Roman clergy split on the succession, with one faction electing Symmachus (who returned to the Felix-Gelasius position) and another electing Laurentius (who continued Anastasius II’s conciliatory line). Symmachus prevailed after a long contest, and the Anastasian conciliation was permanently shelved. The Acacian Schism would not be resolved until 519, and when it was resolved it was on Hormisdas’s stricter terms — formal removal from the diptychs, formal subscription to a uniform confession of communion — not on Anastasius II’s softer formula. Letter I is the primary source for what Anastasius II tried to do, why he believed he could do it, and what the Roman clergy ultimately could not accept.

The Early Church and Peter's Primacy